By Yankuba Jallow with New Narratives
- The arrest warrant for Sanna Manjang, a key figure in the Jammeh regime, has offered some relief to victims.
- Advocates are calling for the government to act swiftly, warning that accused perpetrators are dying before facing trial.
- Despite US aid cuts, international justice experts say the government is still well-placed to win international funds for a process that has drawn international praise.
The long-awaited arrest warrant for Sanna Manjang, accused of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and other human rights violations during Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year rule, has been met with a mix of relief and frustration among victims.
The country’s 2018 Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparations Commission accused Jammeh and dozens of his lieutenants of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture, and other human rights violations during his rule.
Manjang has not been charged with any criminal offence before a court of law before now. Manjang’s alleged victims include Deyda Hydara, a prominent Gambian journalist and co-founder of The Point Newspaper, who was killed in 2004. Manjang is also accused of killing Almamo Manneh, a former soldier suspected of plotting a coup against Yahya Jammeh, in 2000; Landing Sanneh, a former director of the National Intelligence Agency, in 2000; Daba Marena, and others in a foiled coup in 2006. He’s also accused of having a role in the murders of approximately 44 West African migrants.
While some victims see his arrest warrant as a step toward justice, others, like Sheriff Kijera, said it underscores the selective nature of the government’s pursuit of accountability.
“It is long overdue, but this should not stop with Sanna Manjang,” said Kijera, a leading advocate for victims, in an interview, naming other alleged perpetrators of the regime. “There are many others at large—Peter Singhateh, Edward Singhateh, and even Jammeh himself—who have yet to be held accountable.”
The arrest warrant follows years of hearings by the Truth Commission, which documented grave human rights abuses under Jammeh’s 22-year rule, which ended in 2016. The TRRC recommended the prosecution of at least 69 individuals. While the government has moved quickly to comply with the Commission’s recommendations compared with other former conflict countries in the region, critics say that the government’s response has been slow and selective.
Victims say time is not on their side. That was underscored by the recent case of Bora Colley, a former security official who was accused of crimes and detained for months without charges, and died in custody. Kijera and other activists warned that delays risk erasing the chance for full justice.
“Many of the victims are dying without seeing justice,” Kijera warned. “The government needs to act—urgently.”
Ida Persson, Special Advisor to The Gambia’s Minister of Justice, acknowledged the challenges, especially after the recent U.S. funding cuts but promised the government remains committed to swift justice. U.S. President Trump’s decision to cut much of the $70 billion the US gives out annually in global aid has impacted people across the world. In The Gambia, in 2023, the US was one of the two largest bilateral donors, with the European Union providing $35 million – most of that for food security. Millions had been appropriated by the last US Congress specifically to support The Gambia’s transitional justice process. Most of that has now been cut.
With an annual budget of just D37.85 billion ($529.5 million), and many other pressing priorities, the government has counted on significant international support for the transitional justice process. The Justice Minister has said the Special Tribunal will cost $60 million, and the overall transitional justice process will be $300 million. The government’s allocation to the Special Prosecutors Office in 2025 was just $275,000. The Special Prosecutor will decide who is to be tried and the nature of the charges.
The hope of significant international support was not without foundation. Other transitional justice processes in the region have attracted large international funds – the Special Court for Sierra Leone – which ended in 2013, received more than $350 million. But donors have warned that the appetite to support African courts has dropped dramatically, particularly as the Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought war to Europe’s doorstep.
“The reduction in U.S. funding has impacted our ability to progress, but we are actively engaging with other partners to continue the work,” Persson said. “We have received support from other international partners, and we are confident that the momentum will continue.”
The Gambia’s transitional justice process began in 2018 with the establishment of the TRRC. Modeled after South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, it sought to document human rights violations and provide recommendations for justice and reparations. The government initially accepted most of the Commission’s recommendations but has struggled to execute them to date. Experts warn it is not an easy process. The government’s recent success in getting Ecowas, the regional body, to sign on as part of the hybrid international court was just step one.
“Agreeing on the contours of the Tribunal, writing the statute, and getting it approved by Ecowas, was the easy part, and that took three years,” said Reed Brody, an American human rights lawyer who has been heavily involved in The Gambia’s transitional justice process. “The hard part will be funding the Tribunal, which will cost tens of millions of dollars, finding the staff, and getting it up and running.”
Brody insists that if The Gambia continues to show the political will, its friends in the international community, who have been impressed with Gambia’s transitional justice program to date, will be ready to help. “But with the US cutting off all foreign aid, it will be particularly challenging now to find the money,” he said. But Brody said The Gambia has already proven that it can defy the odds. “This is a country that removed a brutal dictator through the ballot box, launched one of the most ambitious truth commissions in the world, and is now poised to deliver long-overdue justice. The loss of U.S. aid is a setback, but it is not the end of the road.”
Perrson underscored the government’s commitment to victims’ participation in the process, highlighting the role of the Transitional Justice Steering Committee, which includes victims’ representatives, the Gambian Bar Association, and civil society groups. She said these engagements were part of efforts to ensure transparency and accountability as the government works toward justice. The Committee is responsible for guiding and coordinating efforts at reconciliation, accountability, and justice for victims of human rights violations in the Gambia.
Activists like Kijera argued that the Gambian government must take greater ownership of the process, suggesting a presidential fund for justice initiatives, akin to fundraising efforts for the country’s football federation. In 2019, The Gambia’s government mobilized funds for the football federation through a campaign led by President Adama Barrow himself. Kijera says this effort saw significant contributions from local businesses and private sector partners, illustrating the potential for a similar, targeted initiative for the victims of the Jammeh regime. Kijera said that a similar fund, where the president personally takes the lead, could fast-track the implementation of justice initiatives.
“If that level of effort was directed at ensuring justice for victims, we could make significant progress,” Kijera said. “But instead, we’re left waiting while the government relies on foreign aid and slow bureaucratic processes.”
Ida Persson remains optimistic, promising that while challenges exist, the government is committed to the process.
“The establishment of the Special Criminal Division and the Tribunal for The Gambia is a significant milestone. We are ready to work with them and provide the necessary support,” she said. “There is no turning back. We are moving forward with the victims in mind, and we will ensure that justice is served.”
Brody, the international law expert, said even as the Special Tribunal faces funding hurdles, the Gambian judiciary is not standing still. The Special Criminal Division, already set up, will prosecute key figures identified by the TRRC. Judges are in place, and the Special Prosecutor’s Office could be launched in 2025.
“This means trials for Jammeh’s enforcers—including the feared Junglers—could begin sooner than expected, sending a strong message that justice is moving forward, with or without the Tribunal,” Brody said.
Asked whether Jammeh will ever face justice, Reed Brody said yes, adding that “the momentum is on the side of accountability.”
Brody stated that after the powerful public testimonies at the Truth Commission, which deeply impacted Gambians, there is strong expectation, both at home and abroad, that the government will deliver justice – including criminal trials – without further delay for victims.
“That challenge may mean The Gambia and Ecowas will have to rethink the scale of the Special Tribunal. That would mean perhaps fewer international judges, panels of fewer judges, having judges seconded by their home countries, and the like. The loss of U.S. aid is a major setback, but it does not mean the Tribunal is doomed. A leaner, Africa-led Tribunal could still deliver justice while The Gambia presses ahead with domestic prosecutions. This is not the time to give up—it is the time to adapt and push forward,” Brody said.
This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the West Africa Justice Reporting Project.
